In every chapter of his treatise, Dr. Rothbard, adopting the best of the teachings of his
predecessors, and adding to them highly important observations, not only develops
the correct theory but is no less anxious to refute all objections ever raised against
these doctrines. He exposes the fallacies and contradictions of the popular
interpretation of economic affairs. Thus, for instance, in dealing with the problem of
unemployment he points out: in the whole modern and Keynesian discussion of this
subject the missing link is precisely the wage rate. It is meaningless to talk of
unemployment or employment without reference to a wage rate. Whatever supply of
labor service is brought to market can be sold, but only if wages are set at whatever
rate will clear the market. If a man wishes to be employed, he will be, provided the
wage rate is adjusted according to what Rothbard calls his discounted marginal value
product, i.e., the present height of the value which the consumers — at the time of the
final sale of the product — will ascribe to his contribution to its production.
Whenever the job seeker insists on a higher wage, he will remain unemployed. If
people refuse to be employed except at places, in occupations, or at wage rates they
would like, then they are likely to be choosing unemployment for substantial periods.
The full import of this state of affairs becomes manifest if one gives attention to the
fact that, under present conditions, those offering their services on the labor market
themselves represent the immense majority of the consumers whose buying or
abstention from buying ultimately determines the height of wage rates.
Less successful than his investigations in the fields of general praxeology and
economics are the author's occasional observations concerning the philosophy of law
and some problems of the penal code. But disagreement with his opinions concerning
these matters cannot prevent me from qualifying Rothbard's work as an epochal
contribution to the general science of human action, praxeology, and its practically
most important and, up to now, best-elaborated part, economics. Henceforth all
essential studies in these branches of knowledge will have to take full account of the
theories and criticisms expounded by Dr. Rothbard.
The publication of a standard book on economics raises again an important question,
viz., for whom are essays of this consequence written: only for specialists, the
students of economics, or for all of the people?
To answer this question we have to keep in mind that the citizens, in their capacity as
voters, are called upon to determine ultimately all issues of economic policies. The
fact that the masses are ignorant of physics and do not know anything substantial
about electricity does not obstruct the endeavors of experts who utilize the teachings
of science for the satisfaction of the wants of the consumers. From various points of
view, one may deplore the intellectual insufficiency and indolence of the multitude.
But their ignorance regarding the achievements of the natural sciences does not
endanger our spiritual and material welfare.
It is quite different in the field of economics. The fact that the majority of our
contemporaries, the masses of semi-barbarians led by self-styled intellectuals, entirely
ignore everything that economics has brought forward, is the main political problem
of our age. There is no use in deceiving ourselves. American public opinion rejects
the market economy, the capitalistic free-enterprise system that provided the nation
with the highest standard of living ever attained. Full government control of all
activities of the individual is virtually the goal of both national parties. The individual
is to be deprived of his moral, political, and economic responsibility and autonomy,
and to be converted into a pawn in the schemes of a supreme authority aiming at a
"national" purpose. His "affluence" is to be cut down for the benefit of what is called
the "public sector," i.e., the machine operated by the party in power. Hosts of authors,
writers, and professors are busy denouncing alleged shortcomings of capitalism and
exalting the virtues of "planning." Full of a quasi-religious ardor, the immense
majority is advocating measures that step by step lead to the methods of
administration practiced in Moscow and in Peking.
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